Armando
Nova
“Cooperatives: A Key Line of
Agrarian Development in Cuba”
September
27 , 2005 |
|
Armando
Nova is
a professor and researcher at the Centro de
Estudios de la Economía Cubana, Universidad
de La Habana. |
Agricultural
Reform in Cuba
Since 1959
By
Maki Tanaka
Agriculture
in Cuba has turned away from Soviet-style state enterprise,
and is now favoring autonomous cooperatives and market-style
accounting with an emphasis on profitability. This marks
a new — and to-date successful — phase
in Cuba ’s socialist economy.
In his revealing talk on the history of agricultural cooperatives
in Cuba , Professor Armando Nova, an internationally renowned
economist at the University of Havana , described a series
of agricultural changes that have taken place since the 1959
Revolution, a unique trajectory that reflects the wider political
economy of each period.
The
first agrarian reform came shortly after the 1959 triumph
of the Revolution. According to Nova’s research, under
Batista’s regime, 73.3 percent of the land was owned
by 9.4 percent of landowners. The revolutionary government
nationalized over 5 million hectares (ha) and redistributed
1 million ha of cultivable land to more than 100,000 peasants,
thus quickly initiating the state agricultural sector. Furthermore,
the Revolution sought to rectify U.S.-dominated sugarcane monoculture,
maintained by historically preferential import quotas for Cuban
sugar in the U.S. When the quotas were cancelled, another trade
scheme under the auspices of the Soviet Union took their place,
resulting in the maintenance of the monoculture structure and
the long-term vulnerability of Cuban agriculture to the vagaries
of the sugar market. At this time, no notable cooperative movement
was observed, apart from the creation of Credit and Service
Cooperatives (CCSs) in the tobacco sector and the National
Association of Small Farmers (ANAP), which were the “least
socialist in character,” as they retained individual
land ownership.
In
the mid-1970s, the second wave of agricultural reform took
shape against the backdrop of economic turmoil and the failure
of the 10-million-ton harvest plan in 1970. Groups of s mall
farmers formed Agricultural Production Cooperatives (CPAs),
giving up their land and other means of production and receiving
individual compensation from the state in return. However,
the short but intensive CPA formation period was followed
by the far-reaching nationalization of farms, bolstering the
state sector, which, by 1989, owned 82 percent of total land.
The large-scale, planned agricultural production set in motion
by this reform was based on an economy of scale, “not,” said
Nova, “on efficiency as an economic model.” Thanks
to the assistance of the Council for Mutual Economic Cooperation
(COMECON), a trade arrangement among the nations of the former
Communist bloc, Cuba joined the world-wide trend toward agro-industrialization
based on state supported mechanization, technological innovation
and the use of agrochemical inputs, which later turned out
to be environmentally unsustainable. During this period, Cuban
agricultural production grew in absolute terms, but was simultaneously
offset by uncalculated costs.
|
Professor Laura Enríquez moderated
the event, which dealt with the
role of cooperatives in Cuban agriculture.
|
The
end of the Soviet bloc (1990–91) called into question
the viability of the state farm model and impelled what Nova
called the “third agrarian reform” in the 1990s.
In 1993 state farms — starting with the sugarcane sector — began
to be subdivided into Basic Units of Cooperative Production
(UBPCs). The UBPC farmers owned all means of production except
the land, which they used in usufruct. By 1999, only 24 percent
of cultivable land remained in the hands of the state. Five
hundred thousand farmers were cooperative members in 2004,
comprising 60 percent of those engaged in agriculture. The
extent of this transformation is most apparent in the sugar
sector, whose cooperative cultivation increased from 16 percent
of the land prior to 1993, to 91 percent by 2004.
Along with the creation of UBPCs, the reforms of 1990s generated
a substantial private sector as well. More than 300,000 ha
were turned over to over 200,000 campesinos [small
farmers], who Nova expects will form CCS-like cooperatives
as the need for production technology rises.
The
third agrarian reform also involved the substitution of animal
traction for machines, the replacement of agrochemicals by
organic inputs, the expansion of home gardens and the legalization
of farmers’ markets. Such changes were more suitable
for small-scale cultivation. The success stories of this transformation
which saved Cubans from food crisis are widely reported and
have been acclaimed as the “greening of Cuba .”
Professor Nova highlighted this achievement by illustrating
growth in the number of profitable CPAs, from 65 percent in
1987 to 85 percent in 1992. In roughly the same period, the
profitability of state farms only grew from 61 percent (1986)
to 70 percent (1990). The long-established CPAs, as mature
organizations, have maintained profitability throughout the
1990s except for the drought year of 2004. UBPCs, the latecomer
to the cooperative movement, are expected to follow the example
of the CPAs. Nova concluded that the decision to reinforce
the cooperative sector in the 1990s was the right move. However,
it remains to be seen whether the cooperatives can negotiate
more autonomy in the near future, which would provide a more
propitious environment.
If
profitability has become the critical yardstick in future
agricultural development in Cuba , Professor Nova was referring
to a very decisive turning point indeed in the Cuban economy.
According to the statistics presented in the talk, the most
prominent sectors in terms of production and profitability
were the private sector and the CCSs. In other words, those
with titles to land — the “least socialist” sectors — were
the most successful. It is worth noting that not only the structure
of production, but that of demand, too, has undergone significant
transformations. The withdrawal of COMECON assistance meant
Cuba finally had the chance to steer away from sugar monoculture — to
tourism. Though not mentioned in Professor Nova’s talk,
tourism has replaced sugar as the largest industry in Cuba
and has reshaped agricultural production extensively. In light
of this new emphasis on profit-orientation and export drive,
the direction of Cuban socialism may well be charted in the
outlook of its agricultural cooperatives.
Armando
Nova is a professor and researcher the Centro de Estudios
de la Economía Cubana at the Universidad
de La Habana. He gave a talk titled “Cooperatives:
A Key Line of Agrarian Development in Cuba ” on September
27, 2005 at CLAS.
Maki Tanaka is a graduate student in the Anthropology
department.
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Professor
Nova's talk packed the CLAS Conference Room on September
27.
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