2003 CLAS Summer Research Report

Matthew Sayre
Anthropology
"
Chavín de Huántar: The Archaeology of Daily Life and the Politics of the Past"



The Peruvian and North American archaeologists who work at the site of Chavín de Huántar were advised roughly three years ago by Antamina (a multi-national mining company) that a major road project might pass through the La Banda region of the site. However, continued delays in the project meant that archaeologists did not think that the road would come to fruition at any point in the next year. On this point they were sorely mistaken.

What followed the initial shock at the extent of destruction caused by the road crew was a season of rescue work designed to recover as much information as possible before the rain made work impossible. In the course of the summer the following events occurred: a denuncio was filed by the Instituto Nacional de Cultura (INC) against the mining company, archaeologists were mobilized to examine as much of the potential impact area as possible, and political connections were leaned upon in order to try and protect as much of the site as possible. All aspects of this work will be examined in the course of this essay.

The Archaeology

The highland site of Chavín de Huántar in Anchash, Perú has occupied a central position in the archaeology of the Andes for nearly a century. The Peruvian archaeologist Julio Tello initially declared the site the “mother culture” of the Andes. Starting in the 1960s the site became the focus of many archaeological projects, both Peruvian and North American. The most recent project is conducted under the leadership of Dr. John Rick of Stanford University.

This season’s research primarily concentrated on revealing domestic contexts related to the construction of the ceremonial center (1000-200BC). This was the first broad excavation at the site to concentrate on the daily life of the people who built the temples themselves. All too often archaeologists restrict themselves to the ceremonial core of sites as these elite areas generally reveal the most dramatic finds. The excavation of domestic contexts also demands that particular attention be paid to the careful collection of data.

The finds in the field revealed some of the architectural patterns employed by the residents of Chavín. Enormous quantities of ceramics were also recovered and the analysis of these materials should prompt a review of all past seriations constructed for the site. However, the analysis of the floral and faunal remains recovered from the site will truly allow us to have a window into the past. The peoples of ancient Chavín spent most of their lives outdoors, but the crops they grew, the food they ate, and the means by which they manipulated the environment around them still remains generally unknown. It is this type of research that will be, and has been, the focus of my studies.

The Macro and the Micro: The Politics of a Road

Antamina is the multi-national corporation constructing the road that cut through the La Banda region of the pueblo of San Marcos. The principal investors in the company are: Noranda Inc. (Toronto) 33.75%, Billiton Base Metals (Toronto) 33.75%, Teck Corporation (Vancouver) 22.5%, and Mitsubishi Corporation (Tokyo) 10.0%. These companies, with the support of President Toledo, have made an enormous investment commitment (US$2.5 billion by June 2002 with 30% of any shortfall to be paid to Peru). (source: http//my.noranda.com)

The Antamina mine is the world’s seventh largest copper mine, third-largest zinc mine, and the largest project undertaken in Peru. Antamina’s operating life is estimated at 22 years, with good possibility of extension. Antamina’s production will increase Peru’s GDP by 1.4%. With in the department of Ancash its GDP is expected to grow by 60% . The majority of the mine’s products are shipped through pipes to the coastal city of Huarmey. (source)

There have been many reports that the mining company has illegally dumped waste in the rivers, sea and air:

Mas de 150 habitantes entre hombre, mujeres y niños de toda una población de pescadores que viven en un AA. HH. Puerto Grande pertenecientes a la provincia de Huarmey en el departamento de Ancash están enfermos con sangrado nasal, desmayos y fuertes dolores de cabeza por la intoxicación del aire producto del tratamiento en la planta de Antamina, cercana a dicha localidad que traen los concentrados desde San Marcos hasta las playas de Huarmey. Personal de salud de la ONG CIASO y técnicos de la ONG ANDES comprobaron dichos problemas en Puerto Grande con los representantes del Frente de Defensa de Huarmey. (Source: http://www.ecoportal.net/noti02/n718.htm)

The road project is one of the principal means by which the company is attempting to mediate potential conflicts with the government. By constructing a major road through the Callejón de Conchucos, a region substantially lacking in infrastructure, the government is appeased and the company provides itself with an alternate means by which to transport its product.

When archaeologists were initially consulted about the course of the road they demarcated certain regions of La Banda as archaeological protection zones. This advise was ignored and the road crew bulldozed a Requay complex that later revealed over 35 intact tombs with offerings. This blatant disregard for the cultural patrimony of the nation prompted the filing of a denuncio.

Throughout the entire sequence of events the campesino inhabitants of La Banda largely remained in the dark as to what was happening. They were informed after the bulldozers plowed through their fields that they would not be compensated the US$300 initially promised, rather one male from each household would be hired for a month to work on the road-crew, thus each man would be paid to participate in the systematic destruction of his own fields. Failure to comply with the demands of the company would result in the firing of all other relatives who worked on the road-crew.

The initial wanton destruction of local fields infuriated the residents of La Banda. The local people were used to working with the Stanford Archaeologists, who generally opened small portions of land and filled them back in when the season was over, but they were not used to the strong arm tactics of the mining company. Although archaeologists are not allowed to pay for the rights to work in people’s fields, all artifacts and sites are national patrimony, in the past the owners of the fields were compensated for their work or use of storage spaces.

This did not mean that local residents did not support the concept of bringing a new road to the region. A road would finally give them access to external markets for their agricultural products. The possibility of access to a cash economy led the local residents to take direct action against the archaeologists, preventing them from working for one day in August.

The threats against the archaeologists occurred because the local people did not want the road to be moved as that would simply destroy more fields. However, they did not realize that preventing the Stanford and INC archaeologists from working also prevented the road from advancing as the government had accepted the terms of the denuncio which forbade Antamina to continue building the La Banda section of the road until the rescue work was completed.

In an attempt to create an equitable solution the archaeologists invited the head of the Instituto Nacional de Cultura and the First Lady, a Stanford alum, to visit the site and discuss options for how to protect the site. One possible solution was to turn the La Banda region into an archaeological park while still allowing the local residents to farm on their fields. This option also included suggestions as to where to place the road in order to minimize damage to future sites. This option is still being considered.

Conclusion?

Tour guides employed in the ceremonial center were fond of framing the issue as a classical dichotomy: la cultura o el progresso. As is often the case with dichotomies these two choices did not fully encompass the complexity of the situation. Culture is not a static element to be preserved for its own sake, nor is progress entirely contingent upon ignoring the past. The ancient peoples of Chavín are a prime example of this lesson. In order to expand and construct the main sunken plaza they changed the course of Mosna River yet they still maintained a key cultural element to the site, its proximity to a tinku (joining point of two rivers). Progress and culture do not have to be in opposition.

At the end of August neither the archaeologists nor the mining company had finished their projects. It remains to be seen whether or not the multiple interest groups involved in the project can reach an amenable solution. For all of the archaeologists involved in the project this summer was a prime introduction to the politics of development and the practice of rescue archaeology.

Research and Resources:
Graduate Students

Support for Graduate Student Research
Summer Research Reports Archive
 
© 2007, The Regents of the University of California, Last Updated - October 8, 2003